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18.07.2008, Robert Bridge, 0 Comments
Much research has been done on Language through the introduction of early phonetics and has helped understand more earlier languages. Some countries like Germany have greatly improved there linguistics and political correctness to make a more impressionable, polite language, why because it's good for business. More importantly it's what the society requested. There a many reasons for this and I don't claim to know all of them. This is just one example of how the world can be inspired to change and not sit in old idea's however it is the conscious of the majority that can indecisively make things change.The Media is controlled by a handful of people, but also the media's are now in control of the public, no longer to we delve in who invented things but be more interested in the users of the technology, but again it is changing so fast by multiplying in numbers the truth is generated far more quickly. Also with these new extensions it cut's out most of the basic learning.
You read a basic instruction and then follow the new ideas already supplied by those in the no who have seen an investment in the work of other people. Granted this may seem unfair however remember were are already moving into the realms of a cahless society. If you are reading this now your probably reading it from your personal laptop or PC, you may have been promised to make money from certain sites but I can tell you through the daily maintenance of what has been called the chip body you will stumble upon an abundance of friends from all over the world.
The sense of charity that is exist this century are phenomenal, and seem to be an oppurtunity to break away or escape from the challenging scenario's that life throws are way. The enviroment we live in is equally as challenging and through gaining Knowledge of our ecology the geographics of the world will enrich your interplay with the enviroment you choose to play in. Through this your language in theory should be enriched with the fruits of North, South, East and West.
You read a basic instruction and then follow the new ideas already supplied by those in the no who have seen an investment in the work of other people. Granted this may seem unfair however remember were are already moving into the realms of a cahless society. If you are reading this now your probably reading it from your personal laptop or PC, you may have been promised to make money from certain sites but I can tell you through the daily maintenance of what has been called the chip body you will stumble upon an abundance of friends from all over the world.
The sense of charity that is exist this century are phenomenal, and seem to be an oppurtunity to break away or escape from the challenging scenario's that life throws are way. The enviroment we live in is equally as challenging and through gaining Knowledge of our ecology the geographics of the world will enrich your interplay with the enviroment you choose to play in. Through this your language in theory should be enriched with the fruits of North, South, East and West.
18.07.2008, Robert Bridge, 0 Comments
Media effects society in a number of ways which has changed rapidly throughout the evolving studies and understanding of what Media actually means. Cultural studies plays a key part in understanding this genre of learning however much of what media teaches claims this is not the case.
Blog
12.08.2008, Robert Bridge, 0 Comments
In this document an explanation of ecology on a geographical scale within the study and applications available within the study of Langauge, linguistics and grammar it’s greatly changing. This could be perceived for a number of fascinating reasons. One of these could be the linguistic merger between sociological work done all around the world, and the hard work of the linguists who have drawn upon previously untouched theorist’s such as Kadinsky who aquired a knowledge of over 200 languages for which he documented as most academics do. Why he was never used be before I do not know. But it is important to say his work has been improved by not just one theorist but a multitude of theorist’s from all over the globe. Five examples of those used are Mayan, French, German, English and Innuit.
The social context in which acquisition takes place to a large extent determines the input to the child and the outcome. This is especially important in bilingual and multilingual contexts where the nature and quantity of input in each language, and the prevailing attitudes to each, all contribute to determining processes and outcomes of development. For example, the prevalence of code-mixing in children’s language depends on both its occurrence in the adult input, and adult attitudes to it (Lanza 2004).
The notion of ecology, applied by Mufwene (2001) primarily to the evolution of languages in contact, is equally applicable to the development of individual bilingualism. Ecology here begins as a metaphor from biology: the environment in which languages are spoke determines the course of development of languages, much as habitats determine the evolution and fate of species in competition with each other. This point is undoubtedly applicable even to monolingual contexts: for example, social factors such as prestige may determine the selection of variant forms leading to sound change (Nettle 1999).
It is still more salient and important, however, in determining the outcomes of language contact situations such as those discussed by Mufwene (2001), and the cases of bilingual development at issue here. This is because the range of variants from which linguistic options may be selected (the ‘feature pool’ in Mufwene’s terms, see chapter 2) is so much wider compared to monolingual contexts. In the case of a bilingual environment, the feature pool is in principle doubled, or even (to the extent that code-mixing and intermediate options exist) more than doubled. In the case of creoles: The ethnographic ecology affected the role of the external structural ecology toward more, or less, influence, as it determined the particular conditions under which it was possible for a language to influence the restructuring of the target language.(Mufwene 2001: 161) Ecology in this sense refers to the social environment in which a language is spoken.
The external ecology of a language encompasses all other languages with which its speakers come into contact, the number of speakers of each language and their social status. Mufwene (2001: 21–24) further extends the notion of ecology to internal factors affecting the evolution of language. Within languages, ‘Linguistic features in a system also constitute part of the ecology for one another’ (Mufwene 2001: 22). Internal ecology in this sense is again analogous to a related concept in biology where ecology can be taken as internal to a species. For example, dialectal variation and co-existent systems within a language all influence the evolutionary trajectory of a language.
In the context of bilingual development, internal ecology involves the competition between, and selection of, variants available in language systems (with some variants being made available through transfer from another language system). Consider, for example, the acquisition of wh-interrogatives as discussed in chapter 4. Between ages two and three, the child has two forms of wh-question competing with each other (Yip & Matthews 2000a: 199).
VOICE: THE ANTIPASSIVE
This is a theory of ergative patterns, which we applied both to Chukchi active clauses that uses Kosinsky’s work for the purposes of the French language. By using cases in which v fails to reflect generalization, in the sense that this head assigns the external theta role, but fails to license object case. V licenses an external argument, yet does not check accusative case, specifically, the anti-passive of the intransitive voice.
aa ek-a kimit - n ne-nl etet- n
youth-ERG load-ABS 3PL. SUB-carry-3SG.OBJ
‘(The) young men carried away the load’
aa ek- t ine-nl etet-g e-t
youth-PL(ABS) AP-carry-3PL. SUBJ load-INSTR
‘(The) young men carried away a load’
As shown on the main map, the antipassive is found across different language families and geographical areas; the antipassive with an oblique complement seems to be more widespread than the anti-passive with an implicit argument. Some authors insist on the link between the antipassive and ergativity (Silverstein 1976; Dixon1979; Spencer 1991: 24), while others propose that the antipassive is not limited to ergative languages (Heath 1976; Postal 1977; Davies 1984; Givón 1984; Lidz 1996).
Acoma, Cahuilla, Canela- Krahô, Chamorro, Choctaw, Comanche, Cree, Kiowa, Koyraboro Senni, Krongo, Lango, Lavukaleve, Nez Perce, Ojibwa, Paiwan, Sanuma, Thompson Archi, Bezhta, Cakchiquel, Central Yup’ik, Chechen, Chukchi, Copainalá Zoque, Diyari, Djaru, Dyirbal, Embaloh, Godoberi, Gooniyandi, Halkomelem, Hunzib, Jakaltek, Kabardian, Kapampangan, Lai, Lak, Mam, Mangarrayi, Päri, Tsez, Tzutujil, Wardaman, Warrungu, West Greenlandic, Yidiny and Yukulta. The absolutive voice is a fact of life for Guatemalan children who speak the Mayan language K'iche' and one that enters their verbal lexicon fairly early. Data suggest that by the time the children are 3-year-olds they have encountered several instances of verbs that alternate between active and absolutive forms, which may supply the evidence needed to formulate a general rule.
Lack of errors in children's language production indicates that the children were extremely sensitive to the formal properties of the absolutive antipassive. They do not simply assume that every verb they meet in a transitive context is transitive. Yet, to acquire the absolutive antipassive, K'iche' children face three major hurdles. The first is learning that root transitive verbs can have intransitive forms, i.e., the absolutive alternation. The second is learning which verbs do not undergo the absolutive alternation. And the third is learning which intransitive verbs are root or derived. The last two problems cannot be solved from positive evidence alone. Nor are conservative acquisition procedures likely to be the explanation, given the propensity of children learning English to generalize beyond verb forms they have already heard.
While this report does not explain how K'iche' children formulate a properly restricted rule for the absolutive antipassive, it does show that the absolutive raises learnability problems of the same level as the English dative or causative often apply only to a certain subset of transitive predicates (Gibson 1980; Chung 1998: 39).
Productive antipassives show genealogical and areal clustering, as indicated on the inset map: they are found in some Mayan, Salishan, Nakh-Daghestanian, Austronesian, and Australian languages. Semantic import of the antipassive has to do with the affectedness and individuation of the patient.
The use of a prototypical transitive verb entails that the event denoted by that verb causes a change of state in the object participant (Tsunoda 1981; Hopper and Thompson 1980; Van Valin 1991; Dowty 1991, among many others).
The semantic function of the antipassive is to cancel such an entailment; this correlates with the marking of the patient as anoblique complement. Comparable effects can be found in the English conative alternation, whereby the referent of a direct object is construed as affected while the referent of a prepositional complement is not (Levin 1993: 5-11).
However, there are languages (e.g., Yukulta) where the antipassive is required when the object is expressed by a first or second person pronoun, which are arguably the highest on the scale of individuation. Such a subtype contrasts with the subtype exemplified by Halkomelem, where the antipassive is impossible with a first or second person object (Gerdts 1988: 157). This variation supports the conclusion, made by several researchers, that the semantic and discourse functions of antipassives can and do differ across languages (Comrie 1978; Heath 1976; Cooreman 1988, 1994). In a number of languages, only a particular grammatical function (subject, object, etc.) or case form can serve as the syntactic pivot for extraction, reference tracking across clauses, and other gramm-atical processes. Antipassivization makes the sole argument of the detransitivized verb accessible to relevant grammatical processes; in many ergative languages, where the absolutive is the pivot for all or most grammatical processes, antipassivization allows the subject to occur in the absolutive case.
To illustrate the syntactic function of antipassives, let us turn to more Chukchi examples. In Chukchi, relativization is possible only for absolutive arguments (Polinsky 1994) thus, the subject of intransitives and the direct object can relativize directly, as shown by (3) for the subject absolutive. In order to relativize the subject of a transitive (4), it first needs to be converted into an absolutive, via anti-passivization (5a); the subject of the antipassive is then relativized, (5b).
In conclusion a multitude of languages within the worlds ecology opens up a whole new importance within the field of language study. So much so it’s only the elite linguist’s who are able to make sense of unifying a monolingual understanding of Language spoken and in many cases written, however this is not always’s the case and the system has provided for such amenities lacking within the studying. The phonology of the symbols used within the body of the text are so so far advanced that you need a special phonological universal index to correctly display as Isaak Kozinsky originally provided. Some of these countries have been more motivated due to the necessity of keeping up with civil society and trying to compete within a unified global village.
Bibliography
E.R.I.C. (1989): Distinguishing Active and Antipassive Verbs in Quiche Mayan [Internet] http://eric.ed.gov:80/ERICDocs/data/ericdocs2sql/content_storage_01/0000...
[viewed:12/8/08]
Kozinsky, Issac S., Nedjalkov, Vladimir, and Polinskaja, Maria S. (1988): Antipassive in Chuckchee: oblique object, object incorporation, zero object. In Passive and Voice, ed. Masayoshi Shibatani. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Nedjalkov, Vladimir P. 1976. Diathesen und Satzstruktur im Tschuktschischen. Studia Grammatica 13:181-213.
Polinsky, M. (2007): Anti Passive constructions [Internet] http://idiom.ucsd.edu/~polinsky/pubs/Polinsky_antipass_WALS.pdf[Viewed:12/8/08]
Yip, V. & Mathews, S. (2007): The Bilingual Child Early Development and Language Contact [Internet] http://www.cambridge.org/catalogue/catalogue.asp?isbn=9780521544764&ss=e... [viewed 12/8/08]
The social context in which acquisition takes place to a large extent determines the input to the child and the outcome. This is especially important in bilingual and multilingual contexts where the nature and quantity of input in each language, and the prevailing attitudes to each, all contribute to determining processes and outcomes of development. For example, the prevalence of code-mixing in children’s language depends on both its occurrence in the adult input, and adult attitudes to it (Lanza 2004).
The notion of ecology, applied by Mufwene (2001) primarily to the evolution of languages in contact, is equally applicable to the development of individual bilingualism. Ecology here begins as a metaphor from biology: the environment in which languages are spoke determines the course of development of languages, much as habitats determine the evolution and fate of species in competition with each other. This point is undoubtedly applicable even to monolingual contexts: for example, social factors such as prestige may determine the selection of variant forms leading to sound change (Nettle 1999).
It is still more salient and important, however, in determining the outcomes of language contact situations such as those discussed by Mufwene (2001), and the cases of bilingual development at issue here. This is because the range of variants from which linguistic options may be selected (the ‘feature pool’ in Mufwene’s terms, see chapter 2) is so much wider compared to monolingual contexts. In the case of a bilingual environment, the feature pool is in principle doubled, or even (to the extent that code-mixing and intermediate options exist) more than doubled. In the case of creoles: The ethnographic ecology affected the role of the external structural ecology toward more, or less, influence, as it determined the particular conditions under which it was possible for a language to influence the restructuring of the target language.(Mufwene 2001: 161) Ecology in this sense refers to the social environment in which a language is spoken.
The external ecology of a language encompasses all other languages with which its speakers come into contact, the number of speakers of each language and their social status. Mufwene (2001: 21–24) further extends the notion of ecology to internal factors affecting the evolution of language. Within languages, ‘Linguistic features in a system also constitute part of the ecology for one another’ (Mufwene 2001: 22). Internal ecology in this sense is again analogous to a related concept in biology where ecology can be taken as internal to a species. For example, dialectal variation and co-existent systems within a language all influence the evolutionary trajectory of a language.
In the context of bilingual development, internal ecology involves the competition between, and selection of, variants available in language systems (with some variants being made available through transfer from another language system). Consider, for example, the acquisition of wh-interrogatives as discussed in chapter 4. Between ages two and three, the child has two forms of wh-question competing with each other (Yip & Matthews 2000a: 199).
VOICE: THE ANTIPASSIVE
This is a theory of ergative patterns, which we applied both to Chukchi active clauses that uses Kosinsky’s work for the purposes of the French language. By using cases in which v fails to reflect generalization, in the sense that this head assigns the external theta role, but fails to license object case. V licenses an external argument, yet does not check accusative case, specifically, the anti-passive of the intransitive voice.
aa ek-a kimit - n ne-nl etet- n
youth-ERG load-ABS 3PL. SUB-carry-3SG.OBJ
‘(The) young men carried away the load’
aa ek- t ine-nl etet-g e-t
youth-PL(ABS) AP-carry-3PL. SUBJ load-INSTR
‘(The) young men carried away a load’
As shown on the main map, the antipassive is found across different language families and geographical areas; the antipassive with an oblique complement seems to be more widespread than the anti-passive with an implicit argument. Some authors insist on the link between the antipassive and ergativity (Silverstein 1976; Dixon1979; Spencer 1991: 24), while others propose that the antipassive is not limited to ergative languages (Heath 1976; Postal 1977; Davies 1984; Givón 1984; Lidz 1996).
Acoma, Cahuilla, Canela- Krahô, Chamorro, Choctaw, Comanche, Cree, Kiowa, Koyraboro Senni, Krongo, Lango, Lavukaleve, Nez Perce, Ojibwa, Paiwan, Sanuma, Thompson Archi, Bezhta, Cakchiquel, Central Yup’ik, Chechen, Chukchi, Copainalá Zoque, Diyari, Djaru, Dyirbal, Embaloh, Godoberi, Gooniyandi, Halkomelem, Hunzib, Jakaltek, Kabardian, Kapampangan, Lai, Lak, Mam, Mangarrayi, Päri, Tsez, Tzutujil, Wardaman, Warrungu, West Greenlandic, Yidiny and Yukulta. The absolutive voice is a fact of life for Guatemalan children who speak the Mayan language K'iche' and one that enters their verbal lexicon fairly early. Data suggest that by the time the children are 3-year-olds they have encountered several instances of verbs that alternate between active and absolutive forms, which may supply the evidence needed to formulate a general rule.
Lack of errors in children's language production indicates that the children were extremely sensitive to the formal properties of the absolutive antipassive. They do not simply assume that every verb they meet in a transitive context is transitive. Yet, to acquire the absolutive antipassive, K'iche' children face three major hurdles. The first is learning that root transitive verbs can have intransitive forms, i.e., the absolutive alternation. The second is learning which verbs do not undergo the absolutive alternation. And the third is learning which intransitive verbs are root or derived. The last two problems cannot be solved from positive evidence alone. Nor are conservative acquisition procedures likely to be the explanation, given the propensity of children learning English to generalize beyond verb forms they have already heard.
While this report does not explain how K'iche' children formulate a properly restricted rule for the absolutive antipassive, it does show that the absolutive raises learnability problems of the same level as the English dative or causative often apply only to a certain subset of transitive predicates (Gibson 1980; Chung 1998: 39).
Productive antipassives show genealogical and areal clustering, as indicated on the inset map: they are found in some Mayan, Salishan, Nakh-Daghestanian, Austronesian, and Australian languages. Semantic import of the antipassive has to do with the affectedness and individuation of the patient.
The use of a prototypical transitive verb entails that the event denoted by that verb causes a change of state in the object participant (Tsunoda 1981; Hopper and Thompson 1980; Van Valin 1991; Dowty 1991, among many others).
The semantic function of the antipassive is to cancel such an entailment; this correlates with the marking of the patient as anoblique complement. Comparable effects can be found in the English conative alternation, whereby the referent of a direct object is construed as affected while the referent of a prepositional complement is not (Levin 1993: 5-11).
However, there are languages (e.g., Yukulta) where the antipassive is required when the object is expressed by a first or second person pronoun, which are arguably the highest on the scale of individuation. Such a subtype contrasts with the subtype exemplified by Halkomelem, where the antipassive is impossible with a first or second person object (Gerdts 1988: 157). This variation supports the conclusion, made by several researchers, that the semantic and discourse functions of antipassives can and do differ across languages (Comrie 1978; Heath 1976; Cooreman 1988, 1994). In a number of languages, only a particular grammatical function (subject, object, etc.) or case form can serve as the syntactic pivot for extraction, reference tracking across clauses, and other gramm-atical processes. Antipassivization makes the sole argument of the detransitivized verb accessible to relevant grammatical processes; in many ergative languages, where the absolutive is the pivot for all or most grammatical processes, antipassivization allows the subject to occur in the absolutive case.
To illustrate the syntactic function of antipassives, let us turn to more Chukchi examples. In Chukchi, relativization is possible only for absolutive arguments (Polinsky 1994) thus, the subject of intransitives and the direct object can relativize directly, as shown by (3) for the subject absolutive. In order to relativize the subject of a transitive (4), it first needs to be converted into an absolutive, via anti-passivization (5a); the subject of the antipassive is then relativized, (5b).
In conclusion a multitude of languages within the worlds ecology opens up a whole new importance within the field of language study. So much so it’s only the elite linguist’s who are able to make sense of unifying a monolingual understanding of Language spoken and in many cases written, however this is not always’s the case and the system has provided for such amenities lacking within the studying. The phonology of the symbols used within the body of the text are so so far advanced that you need a special phonological universal index to correctly display as Isaak Kozinsky originally provided. Some of these countries have been more motivated due to the necessity of keeping up with civil society and trying to compete within a unified global village.
Bibliography
E.R.I.C. (1989): Distinguishing Active and Antipassive Verbs in Quiche Mayan [Internet] http://eric.ed.gov:80/ERICDocs/data/ericdocs2sql/content_storage_01/0000...
[viewed:12/8/08]
Kozinsky, Issac S., Nedjalkov, Vladimir, and Polinskaja, Maria S. (1988): Antipassive in Chuckchee: oblique object, object incorporation, zero object. In Passive and Voice, ed. Masayoshi Shibatani. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Nedjalkov, Vladimir P. 1976. Diathesen und Satzstruktur im Tschuktschischen. Studia Grammatica 13:181-213.
Polinsky, M. (2007): Anti Passive constructions [Internet] http://idiom.ucsd.edu/~polinsky/pubs/Polinsky_antipass_WALS.pdf[Viewed:12/8/08]
Yip, V. & Mathews, S. (2007): The Bilingual Child Early Development and Language Contact [Internet] http://www.cambridge.org/catalogue/catalogue.asp?isbn=9780521544764&ss=e... [viewed 12/8/08]
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